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Hence it comes that the sublime is not to be looked for in things of nature, but only in our own ideas. Can the horrible even as it is unfolding be experienced as art?
Even before Kant, in , Edmund Burke tackled this question in his treatise On the Sublime and Beautiful. And, of course, political and military action is still another.
Most of what we today call art carries an ideological or religious message. In the West, before the Renaissance and the advent of capitalism, there was no category of fine art as such.
At present, most art remains bound to forces outside itself and is not independent or disinterested. Most art is good or bad in an ethical-moral-political way in terms of values operating beyond or despite the work itself.
In other words, there may be some agreement universally about what is art and what is not, what is sublime and what is not, but there is no such agreement, nor can I foresee a time when there will be, about what is ethically-morally-politically good or bad.
Because Fo was not talking about art. And art is not as serious as politics; art is play, secondary, a representation. However, from the perspective of performance studies, the attack on the World Trade Center was a performance: planned, rehearsed, staged, and intended both to wound the United States materially and to affect and infect the imagination.
The destruction of two iconic buildings, and the murder of so many people in one fell swoop, was intended to deliver a very specific message about the boldness of the jihad and the vulnerability of the United States.
A performance, surely, but art? I believe that the attack can be understood as the actualization of key ideas and impulses driving the avant-garde.
Thierry de Duve writes: It is as if the history of the avant-gardes were a dialectical history cast off by the contradictions of art and non-art, the history of a prohibition and of its transgression.
This is a duty and not a right. It was illegal art from the point of view of international law because it targeted civilians.
But it was avant-garde art from the point of view of the tradition I am discussing. Is this kind of analysis perverse, not only doing dishonor to the dead and injured but also soiling what art is or ought to be?
Does such a designation grant the jihadists much more than they deserve? And does it help us understand better the world we are living in?
Stockhausen was actually envious of the jihadists. What other art act has done that? Having just written this, I confess that I am very uncomfortable.
I have reasoned my way into a position that I ethically reject. Maybe my way out is to assert that art requires artists who consciously choose to make art and spectators who willingly observe art.
This, surely, is the modern humanist tradition. But there are ritual performances that are extremely powerful, performatively and artistically, in terms of structure, color, rhythms, narratives, and so on and that require and enforce participation and witnessing.
Indeed, many artworks are not the products of free will. Are only the planners and overlords artists, and not the workers or victims? Consider the pyramids of Egypt and Teotihuacan, Mexico, generally regarded as architectural masterpieces.
The Egyptian pyramids were constructed by slaves, and the Teotihuacan pyramids and surrounding ceremonial site show that human sacrifices took place.
Time washes the blood off the stones; the magnificent stones remain unstained by what once were the immediacies of experience.
Their very presence on the planes and in the Twin Towers marked them as participating in hated Western culture. To this way of thinking, there are no neutrals, no bystanders.
Still, neither Mohammed Atta nor the other hijackers thought of themselves as artists. In the unfolding event, visual artists, performance artists, writers, artists of any kind can do just about anything with what happened.
But all these works are reflective. They came after raw, unmediated events. This nowness is fundamental. It does not cancel out representations after the fact: the documentaries, dramas, films, writings, firsthand accounts, and memorials all came later, on September 12 and after.
But they were supplemental to the attack itself, which was already a media event as it was happening. These were not accounts of what happened; nor were they ongoingly part of the attack.
They were collateral theater parallel to collateral damage in a military operation. Even while the Twin Towers were burning, people sought information about missing loved ones.
The media picked up on these notices, which individually were simply pieces of paper but collectively walls of anxiety and grief.
Each notice carried its own hope against hopelessness. No one knows exactly how many people found each other through this means.
Soon enough, the notices were joined by flowers, a sure sign of condolence. These notices were part of the spectacle even as they provided a human-scale entry into experiencing what was happening.
I wish I had a neat conclusion to my ruminations. The terrace of my apartment has a clear view of lower Manhattan. That morning, I was watching television when I heard shouts from workmen constructing a New York University building on La Guardia Place.
I went onto my terrace, looked south, and about one mile away I saw the blazing North Tower. I thought it was a horrible accident but wondered how such an accident could happen on a day when the sky was blue and clear.
Moments later, I saw a plane flying low make a sharp turn from north to west. Something banal and full of shock. Then I saw the plane slice into the South Tower as smoothly as a hot knife into butter.
Not a sound. A silent movie in full color. A great ball of orange flame and black smoke. It was terrifying; it was sublime; it was horrible; it was beautiful.
After that, except for about forty-five minutes when my wife and I fetched our daughter from school, I stood on my terrace with some neighbors who had come over because they knew of the view.
We watched as the towers came down, et cetera. What did I do? I offered people something to drink and eat, told them where the bathroom was. From the terrace we watched and talked, amazed, horrified, excited, scared, fascinated.
We used binoculars. We saw some people flinging themselves from the towers. But it was a lot more complicated than that. I had seen high-wire acts in circuses.
What was happening was all in silence. People walked back and forth between the terrace and the television room.
When new people arrived, they brought rumors and information. We took in what passed for analysis by media pundits.
But, most important, everyone was very aware that from the terrace looking south we were watching the thing itself. What we saw and heard on television were explanations and rationalizations both describing and shaping reactions, reporting events and instructing us the receivers how we were to react.
The coverage and talking heads gave us both a wider horizon with which to comprehend what we were witnessing and close-ups at and near Ground Zero.
As I watched both in person and on television, I knew that whatever else it was, I was experiencing a spectacle, a live movie, real history happening, et cetera.
Globally speaking, we were a divided audience. Or, if you will, the destruction is the means toward the end of creating terror, which is a state of mind.
At least from the Western side. Al-Qaeda and its adherents saw in the attack the very wrath of God. And the sky can still fall on our heads.
And the theater has been created to teach us that first of all. We address ourselves to the imagination and feelings of people: we are therefore supposed to achieve the most vivid and decisive kind of action.
The Art History Archive. Lilith Gallery Network, web, accessed July 22, Situationist Manifesto, trans. Fabian Thompsett, Situationist International Online, web, accessed July 22, Julian Beck, The Life of the Theatre: The Relation of the Artist to the Struggle of the People San Francisco: City Lights, , entry Antonin Artaud, The Theater and Its Double, trans.
Mary C. For more on the relationship between terrorism and television, see Daniel Dayan, ed. Immanuel Kant, Critique of Judgment, in Immanuel Kant Philosophical Writings, ed.
Ernst Behler New York: Continuum, , Kant, Critique of Judgment, Edmund Burke, A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, with Several Other Additions, Harvard Classics, ed.
Charles W. See www. Frank Lentricchia and Jody McAuliffe, Crimes of Art and Terror Chicago: University of Chicago Press, , Lentricchia and McAuliffe, Crimes, Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle , trans.
Ken Knabb London: Verso, Artaud, Theater and Its Double, Newspapers had talked up the opening for months, and Mussolini had already announced he would be there.
If he hoped to convince il duce to create a National Theater, and make him its director, he would need to make an impression. But at p. Indeed, it must have been hard to decide where to look: at the strong crowd packed onto the tiny stage, at the nervy Eleven in their seats, or at His Excellency, Prime Minister Benito Mussolini, visible to the entire house in the brand-new proscenium box above.
The tale of these two theaters and the vast system of which they were a part offers formidable challenges to the stubbornly held commonplaces that in theatrical matters il duce and his hierarchs were only interested in propaganda, that their rise to power in sounded the death knell of creativity, that fascism killed the avant-garde.
Back in October , just days shy of the first anniversary of the March on Rome that brought the regime to power, il duce had summoned the playwright to his office.
Encouraged by their first meeting, the flattered thespian did just that. Thus their partnership began. It was, evidently, a sensational gesture that had been agreed upon behind closed doors, and it delighted Mussolini as much as it dismayed his opponents.
They would also introduce unknown foreign plays and authors to the Italian public, providing the exchange that was vital to creativity. And now, for Pirandello, Marchi worked wonders once again: the sleek silver and purple decor was a sort of shiny futurist baroque, preparing the audience for ultramodernity even before the curtain opened.
Characters should live on stage. His methods were as ahead of their day in Italy as his plays were and in turn had a direct impact on those texts.
Consider Six Characters in this regard. Heavily indebted to a total reconception of the theatrical space, the new version of the play now packed a full punch.
When the curtains opened on that play, a delightful scene unfurled: a barkeep in rolled-up shirt sleeves and striped apron called out to a waiter to cover the tables and thus the stage with linens, red and blue dishes, tin silverware, and sparkling glasses.
But not just from the wings. Their chatter mixed with the clamor of drums, pigs, and vendors selling their wares.
Worshippers and revelers gathered in the piazza in front of a little church on the first Sunday of September: the former to give thanks to the Lord who rescued sailors from a terrible shipwreck, the latter to attend the first pig slaughter of the season.
The people, the colors, the noises coming from every direction and the lights growing redder as the one-act went on created a phantasmagoric total-theater effect like the one Wagner had theorized.
And you want a tragedy more tragedy than this? Would he have seen a similar social critique, and, if so, what would he have done?
Or would he have seen things differently? A follower of crowd theorist Gustave Le Bon, il duce viewed the Italian masses as essentially irrational and therefore malleable, to be lifted out of their own tragedy and molded into new fascist men and women.
He was in agreement with the fiercely antidemocratic Pirandello, then, on the precise point the play brought to the fore: there was a people out there that would be beastly until someone tamed it.
Maybe they were just what he was looking for. When the Blackshirt militia marched on Rome in October , its intent was revolution: the destruction of a democratic parliamentary system in favor of a totalitarian one in which bourgeois individualism would be replaced by utter dedication to the state and il duce.
Nor was he out to establish a single fascist style, notwithstanding a clear preference for modernist forms of art and architecture. If not, woe betide.
I shall therefore await for Your Excellency to grant us supreme, definitive assistance so as to resolve this situation which embarrasses me and is an obstacle to the free movement of my activities just at the moment when I have the greatest need.
He explained that he would accompany his actors abroad on tour, giving conferences and interviews.
Mussolini knows how to govern a state with the same ability with which Mr. Pirandello writes a play. The reflected prestige Pirandello could bring to the dictatorship, at home and abroad, was a clear motivation to back his endeavor.
Despite the ongoing efforts, the financial troubles eventually became insurmountable, and Pirandello was exhausted by the multiple burdens administrative, emotional, and financial of being capocomico.
When the initial three-year charter expired, he dissolved the company. The Pirandello tale, told in isolation, fails to communicate such complexity.
In his last years Pirandello felt out of sympathy with a government of which earlier in his life he had held high hopes. Mussolini and his ministers consciously worked to blur such boundaries as high versus low culture, art versus popular theater, art versus propaganda.
Many productions for the masses were indeed quite worthy, theatrically and artistically speaking; this is, however, a point beyond the scope of this essay.
More pertinent here are two important issues: first, that the regime also continued to pursue the possibility of a more traditional National Theater structure and to back the theatrical vanguard and, second, that these efforts were conceived as complementary to and not in competition with productions for the masses.
Pirandello pursued the National Theater project until his death. We must learn to wait, because he needs time; woe unto those who get tired of waiting.
There were no certain outcomes here. In , the Italian Society of Authors and Editors created the Burcardo Theatre library, attached to the Teatro Argentina which had always been a likely candidate to house an eventual state auditorium.
Prampolini of Futurist Pantomime Theater fame returned to Italy in and served as scenographer, as did Antonio Valente who designed the aforementioned carri di Tespi.
Facing the impending closure of his Teatro degli Indipendenti back in , he proposed to do something bigger and better. Bring us, oh Duce, out of this catacomb of believers, make faith triumph!
It was, instead, the necessary proving grounds for any such endeavors and a training area for its artists. I spoke of a Faustian pact for Pirandello, but perhaps it was Bragaglia who sold his soul.
Such repugnant, although isolated, events coexisted alongside those that were, from an artistic point of view, thrilling.
By now historians have amply demonstrated that fascism was at its core a modernist political movement and that the regime conceived of the relationship between art and politics in fundamentally modern ways.
If this epoch is truly fascist to the core, all that is of lasting value and is accomplished during its course will bear the visible imprint of fascism.
Six Characters had already played in fourteen countries, with major productions in London, New York, Paris, and Berlin between and He sent shock waves across Europe and America.
He was a herald of a new modern theater. And, as he made sure everybody knew, Mussolini was behind him all the way. And yet, if we consider Pirandello privileged, we need to think of him as a model, not as an exception.
I could limit my discussion to the personalities, institutions, and shows already mentioned, as it is difficult to deny the regime its theatrical avant-garde credentials when we consider the artists and productions it actively promoted.
By definition, being avant-garde is about leading the way. These gave training and experience to technicians and actors, but perhaps their greatest feat was the creation of a new generation of directors.
After the war, directors came to dominate, absolutely, the Italian theater. Initially, there were twelve founders, but by the time they signed the papers on October 6, , the shareholders were in fact eleven.
Unless otherwise noted, all translations in this essay are my own. Corrado Alvaro, in Il Risorgimento, April 3, , in PC, English translation from Susan Bassnett and Jennifer Lorch, Luigi Pirandello in the Theater London: Routledge, , This is doc.
This sum amounted to more than the liberal government had provided for all prose and opera performance in , the year before il duce came to power.
See Luigi Pirandello, Saggi e interviste, ed. Ferdinando Taviani Milan: Mondadori, , and Pupo, Interviste a Pirandello, Pirandello, Saggi e interviste, From an interview with O.
Gilbertini, November 27, Reviews and rehearsal photos, however, indicate that the director was not successful in attempts to abolish the prompter.
See Gaspare Giudice, Pirandello: A Biography, trans. Alastair Hamilton London: Oxford University Press , Gilbertini, La Tribuna November 27, in Pirandello, Saggi e interviste, For a performance history of the play, see Jennifer Lorch, Pirandello: Six Characters in Search of an Author Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Tinterri, Savinio e lo spettacolo, April 3, , Il Tevere, in PC, Bassnett and Lorch , Documentary, Luigi Pirandello, La Sagra, Corrado Alvaro, Cronache e scritti teatrali Rome: Edizioni Abete, , 76; Bassnett and Lorch, Documentary, See in particular Emilio Gentile, Il culto del littorio Rome: Laterza,  , in English, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, trans.
Keith Botsford Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, Alvaro, Cronache e scritti teatrali, April 12, , in PC, Mussolini, in his interviews with Emil Ludwig.
Emil Ludwig, Colloqui con Mussolini ; Milan: Mondadori, , Yvon De Begnac, Taccuini Mussoliniani, ed. Francesco Perfetti ; Bologna: Mulino, , An early adherent of the PNF, he had written a successful biography of il duce in and was close enough to Mussolini to facilitate communication between him and Pirandello in the early stages of their collaboration.
Bontempelli would be a vocal devotee of Mussolini for at least the first decade of his rule; il duce, in turn, enthusiastically praised him throughout the years and personally pushed for his nomination to the Royal Academy of Italian Intellectuals in Massimo Bontempelli, Il Neosofista e altri scritti Milan: Mondadori, , Mussolini, Opera Omnia, vol.
Marco Praga, Cronache teatrali Milan: Treves, , June 29, , quoted in PC, Lorch, Pirandello, See Documentary, Excerpt translated in Love Letters, The complete set of letters, with the exception of a handful the Pirandello Estate did not authorize, can be found in Luigi Pirandello, Lettere a Marta Abba, ed.
Benito Ortolani Milan: Mondadori, The Gruppi Universitari Fascisti sponsored various cultural activities, including film and theater groups.
For the crowds of La Sagra e Gli dei, Pirandello used students from the Santa Cecilia acting academy, in part of an attempt to give students professional experience alongside academic instruction.
Translated in Jeffrey T. Gentile, Origini, Ferdinando Taviani, Uomini di scena, uomini di libro: La scena sulla coscienza ; Rome: Officina, , Trapped in France after the Nazi invasion in , Hasenclever committed suicide.
Bronnen was from his teenage years attracted to both extremes of the political spectrum. However, he quickly fell out of favor due to both the avant-garde form and lurid sexual content of his work.
In , Bronnen became a Communist, and after the war he enjoyed the support, if not perhaps the complete trust, of the GDR. They not only expose the deficiencies of the legal system and the bourgeois order it supports, but they attack law and authority in any form.
This chapter examines the plays against the broader context of early twentieth-century avant-garde performance and German politics.
During this era, invocations of aesthetic and political violence intertwine in the writings of both theater artists and vanguardist politicians. Goebbels paints war in apocalyptic terms, as violence so extreme and complete as to baffle the imagination.
Intensity, grandeur, and boundlessness are all characteristic of the sublime. First appearing in a Roman treatise describing a particularly heightened rhetorical style, the concept of the sublime emerged in its modern form during the eighteenth century.
Immanuel Kant and Edmund Burke, two of its earliest and most important theorists, describe it as an aesthetic response to experiences of limitlessness.
From the fourteenth century until late in the nineteenth, European theater also became increasingly representational, in the sense that it aimed for increasing illusionism.
Hasenclever and Bronnen portray patricide as an act of war generating a sublime, nonrepresentational mode of both politics and performance.
In the process, they reveal troubling affinities with key currents in interwar right-wing German thought, including Nazism, which likewise hailed war as a sublime event forging forms of performance and politics beyond representation.
Politics as War Zone The Son and Patricide hover on the border between avant-garde experiment and nineteenth-century illusionism.
Yet as Patricide progresses, the repetitions and ellipses increasingly signal not the hesitations of everyday speech, but the distortion and collapse of language under an overwhelming emotional onslaught.
Surrealism expects nothing save from violence. They portray such situations as generating the sublime, suggesting that they possess an authenticity and intensity that resist any form of limitation or mediation.
Marinetti, Artaud, and Breton want to capture these qualities in theatrical performance. At the same time, they see actual war as both the supreme political act and ultimate avant-garde performance.
While Hasenclever expresses himself in a more measured manner, he too suggests that patricide releases his protagonist from all restraints. The patricides achieve this effect within their respective dramas.
Anticipating subsequent generations of performance artists, the Son performs himself. The story of suffering he relates is his own personal history; the scars he shows the crowd are real, not stage makeup.
Hasenclever and Bronnen represent the patricides not simply as bids for individual liberation, but as acts of revolutionary warfare.
In the modern West, supreme political authority typically rests with centralized states. At the same time, it delegitimizes violence deployed by those not acting as representatives of the state.
The Father resorts to having his Son arrested and returned home by the police because he has lost the ability to control the Son on his own.
Fessel senior is determined to turn Walter into a lawyer because he wants his son to represent the downtrodden in their grievances against the rich and powerful, and so gain retribution for the hardships Fessel and his family have suffered.
While the Father and Fessel permit the state to represent them against their enemies, Walter and the Son take violence into their own hands. In doing so, the protagonists transform the political realm into a war zone.
Wars occur in situations where a monopoly on violence, and hence a sovereign political authority, are absent. And as Hobbes observes, there is no monopoly on violence in the international arena: nation-states exist in the same anarchic relationship to each other as do individuals in the mythical state of nature.
The playwrights depict this transposition as an act of liberation. However, the sublime conception of freedom that he and Bronnen herald bears little resemblance to that found within the liberal democratic tradition, where the state maintains a firm monopoly on violence and periodic elections are designed to substitute for armed conflict between opposing factions.
But while some anarchists condoned violence as a technique for achieving their political goals, major figures like Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin tended to picture a stateless society as the epitome of order and peace.
This is not an ideal that Hasenclever and Bronnen share. Instead, the playwrights are drawn to the moment of orgiastic violence itself, suggesting that war offers the only truly representation-free politics.
Such sentiments do play a significant role within a certain apocalyptic strain of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century European political discourse, one that, at least initially, fostered uncanny affinities between the far Left and extreme Right.
In the years preceding World War I, a wide variety of political figures joined with the avant-gardes in suggesting that sublime violence could become the vehicle for a more authentic and vital form of politics than that found within the bourgeois legal state.
That we have so long failed to appreciate this, is proof how effeminate the science of the state as treated by the hands of civilians has finally become.
Life is built on cruelty, horror, force. Moreover, like the playwrights, he sees war as a sublime aesthetic and political event. Sorel insists on the importance of political myths as catalysts for revolutionary action.
A variety of interwar German intellectuals looked to the destruction and chaos of the recent war as a model for the kind of ethos they hoped to instill in postwar Weimar society.
Schmitt, who would go on to serve the Nazi regime, cites war as the basis for all genuine politics. Likewise the various large parties acknowledge the need to adopt means of power that express the fact that the battle of opinions will not be decided solely through votes and programs but also by the stalwarts committed to march in support of those programs.
By , 25 percent of all men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five could claim membership in a paramilitary group.
The playwrights contribute to a broader shift in early twentieth-century German discourse, in which a paramilitary street-fighter might appear more admirable than the desk-bound parliamentarian, and bloodshed nobler than rational discussion and compromise.
Total Power, Total Theater Despite their longing for individual liberation, Hasenclever and Bronnen share a fascination with unlimited power, and suggest that, through patricide, their protagonists gain omnipotence.
In this dazzling nothingness, all and nothing are closely allied, since both are absolved from limits. It is for this reason that feeling utterly inconsiderable can tip over into a sense of omnipotence.
As previously noted, the speech breaks down the barrier between performer and audience, aesthetic event and lived experience.
However, this transformation does not enable the audience to challenge or critique the performance, but instead serves as a means for the performer to gain power over the audience.
The Son in turn asserts a similar form of control albeit half-unwittingly over the audience; while he does not literally hypnotize them, Hasenclever suggests that his performance achieves an equally mesmerizing effect.
Hasenclever and Bronnen depict the patricides themselves as even more emphatic performances of power. The Son and Walter force the fathers to participate in their performances.
They confirm their absolute power over their progenitors, wiping them out of existence. While presenting themselves as restoring order to the nation, they actually enshrined the limitlessness and lawlessness of war at the very heart of state authority, in a sovereign authority embodying unlimited power and unchecked violence.
While most of the party leadership shared an intense hostility toward modernist art and literature, Nazi rallies were, like many avant-garde performances, designed to dismantle any psychic barrier between the star performer and other participants.
Hitler describes speech-making in the way that Marinetti and Artaud describe the ideal performance: as both an artistic act and a form of assault.
It alone gives its chosen one the words which like hammer blows can open the gates to the heart of a people. It overcomes the last rudiments of collapsing epochs and clears a free path for the future.
There must be destruction if there is to be new creation. Like Hasenclever and Bronnen, but on an exponentially grander scale, the Nazis viewed the ideal performance as an exercise in subjugation through annihilation.
It is a long way from patricide to world war; neither Hasenclever nor Bronnen advocate for anything like wholesale slaughter the Nazis engaged in.
Hasenclever, like several other expressionist dramatists, often dispenses with individual character names. In The Son, he designates the main characters by their relationship to the Son Friend, Governess, Father , except for the Son himself who, Hasenclever suggests, is defined by his relationship to the Father.
Unless otherwise noted, all translations from German are my own. Walter Sokel, The Writer in Extremis: Expressionism in Twentieth Century German Literature New York: McGraw-Hill, , Sokel, The Writer in Extremis, Roderick Stackelberg and Sally A.
Winkle London: Routledge, , Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Selected Writings, ed. Flint, trans. Flint and Arthur A.
Coppotelli New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, , 42, Edmund Burke, A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful Oxford: Oxford University Press, , 67; Immanuel Kant, Critique of Judgment, trans.
Werner S. Pluhar Indianapolis: Hackett, , Walter Hasenclever, Dramen Berlin: Die Schmiede Verlag, , Marinetti, Selected Writings, Richard Seaver and Helen R.
Lane Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, , Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo: Some Points of Agreement between the Mental Lives of Savages and Neurotics, trans.
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